One lengthens vowels before voiced consonants, and the other would delete the nasal after vowel nasalization before voiceless consonants. I would argue that such cases are quite common, and that new instances are arising all the time. There are two ways of counting frequency of occurrence that are applicable to language: token frequency and type frequency. Studies of natural categorization by psychologist Eleanor Rosch and her colleagues have had an impact on the way that linguists view categories, including word meaning Lakoff 1987 , grammatical classes such as gender Zubin and Köpcke 1981 , verb classes Bybee and Moder 1983 , grammatical functions such as subject and topic, and phonetic categories K. The role of prefabs in grammaticization: How the particular and the general interact in language change. So far, no comparable development has occurred in phonology. However, another possible conclusion is that the pattern is due to local weakenings internal to prosodic domains.
However, if the lexicon is viewed as a complex network structure of the type described earlier, a word is not necessarily an independent unit, but is instead deeply embedded in the organizational structure. The question of exactly how lexical items are stored is an especially important one for a theory which eschews generative grammar, and in Chapter Two, Bybee lays out the basic representational system of her model. I argue, however, that the actual functional status of an alternation may not always be what it seems. The other goal is to review what is known about these lexical and morphological principles from the experimental, child language, and language change evidence. Hooper 1976b and Phillips 1984, 2001 have suggested that changes with different motivations have different patterns of lexical diffusion. Of course, there is some value in distinguishing mental representations from the social activities upon which they are based, but totally excluding factors of use from consideration ignores the potential relation between representation and use. Langacker 1987 and now Ohala and Ohala 1995 argue that storage of linguistic percepts should be like the storage of other mental percepts.
In addition to these patterns, alternations were created in derived forms, such as give, gift; live, life; thrive, thrift, and so on. The second issue concerns the size of the storage units. It is possible that the process taking place is a shortening of the nucleus due to the preglottalization of voiceless stops. One might want to argue that such cases are not central to a model of phonological representation, but such an argument would be based on the false assumption that such cases are not common. Two issues concerning the nature of the stored elements often arise. Early in the twentieth century, a proposal was made to distinguish the shared knowledge that a community of speakers has from the actual uses to which that knowledge is put de Saussure 1916. My general suggestion then, concerning establishing types of sound changes, is that lexical diffusion patterns can provide an additional and much-needed criterion for discovering both why and how sound changes take place.
This devoicing does not trigger the deletion of the nasal because it does not affect the length of the nucleus, which, as I will argue later on, is the relevant parameter here. Also use is being studied as a prime shaper of syntactic structure Givón 1979, Haiman 1994, Hopper and Thompson 1984, and others and morphological structure Bybee 1985, Bybee et al. Since there are no particular consequences resulting from the choice of one phoneme over the other, the choice of representation is arbitrary. These may not be separate events, but rather one continuous event in which the opening of the velum is advanced in time while the occlusion associated with the nasal consonant gradually erodes. The lexical strength of words may change as they are used more or less in different contexts. All category members need not have all of the features characterizing the category, but a member is more central or more marginal depending on the number and nature of shared features. Generalizations over forms are not separate from the stored representation of forms but emerge directly from them.
Second, phonetic shape is not just determined by memory representation and experience — it is also determined by the neural and motor patterns that have been laid down in childhood and reinforced by constant repetition. In this view, the major goal of linguistic analysis is to determine which features of a unit are idiosyncratic, and which are predictable by rule, with the additional desideratum of having as many features predictable by rule as possible. These issues are discussed in Chapter 5. The result has been described as Rule Inversion by Vennemann 1972b. An increase in vocabulary size, however, is facilitated, both from a production and storage point of view, by the reuse of the same elements in different words. The focus on competence, or the structure of language, turned out to be extremely productive.
Haiman 1994, 1998 discusses grammar as ritualized behavior and points to various properties of both ritual and grammar that are the result of repetition. In early generative phonology all such alternations were described by phonological rules without any differentiation into types. Diphthongization, which is viewed by some 80 Phonological Processes, Phonological Patterns as a strengthening, can also be analyzed as a retiming since one can hypothesize that diphthongs are produced by sequencing vowel gestures that were formerly simultaneous. There is also positive evidence that high-frequency regular forms are stored in the lexicon just as irregulars are: namely, evidence for differential behavior of regulars based on frequency. This means that snatches of motor sequences can be reused in new contexts. None of these descriptive terms is particularly accurate. The Oxford Handbook of Grammaticalization, 69-78.
Gestures are abstractions away from tokens of articulatory events and only capture the distinctive features of such events. How do we determine what is a word in a language, and what types of phrases are appropriate for storage? See Chapter 5 for more details about schemas over morphologically related forms. Pagliuca and Mowrey claim that constellations of gestures in a linguistic string tend to become shorter over time, as well as reduced in the amount of articulatory energy required for the production of the individual gestures. The proposal I made in Chapter 3, that the effects of sound change or phonetic process are registered in the lexical entries of words and phrases, provides a means by which phonetic distinctions gradually become associated with particular words and morphemes. The importance of productivity of both phonological and morphological schemas to our understanding of cognitive representations of language cannot be overstated. The reason for this is that the association with the morphological categories dominates the phonological similarities, and the morphological categories involved here are independent of one another.
I also argued that there is an inexorable unidirectionality to the increasing morphological and lexical involvement in phonological alternations. As we will see later on, their theory can be appropriately augmented to be more comprehensive. In order to maintain the correct rhythm and tempo, the player must at times hold back and not play every note as fast as possible. It is widely understood that roots and affixes differ in their markedness properties cross-linguistically: the segmental inventories of affixes are typically much reduced from those of roots, and spreading processes such as vowel harmony and assimilation typically target affixal material before root material. Once the alternation is associated with the morphology and with particular lexical items, it is analyzed independently in different morphological domains.