His own position eroding so he endorsed the Vance-Owen plan to divide Bosnia into ten cantons--3 Serb, 3 Muslim, 2 Croat, 1 Muslim-Croat , with Sarajevo organized like Washington D. With the hardened realism that comes from years of journalism and a first-hand knowledge of the Balkan scene, Doder and Branson coauthor of Gorbachev have written a vivid and scathing biography of Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic. Relying on organized lying, his secret police and rogue proxies pushed the disintegration into a long bloodbath. If he leaves his country, he risks arrest and transportation to the Hague to face war crimes charges. Serbian refers to the language and the attributes of the state. If he wants the first, he should prepare himself and the Serb Army for destruction.
His propaganda cultivated a popular sense of victimization at the hands of foreigners. The warring parties were required to accept a U. Never again, Milosevic told them. Some forensic psychologists have speculated that Milosevic is a depressive, scarred by a family history of suicide and abandonment. After six centuries we are again waging struggle and confronting battles, Milosevic said unflinchingly, staring straight ahead as if reviewing the troops.
In this first full-length biography of the Yugoslav leader, veteran foreign correspondents Dusko Doder and Louise Branson paint a disturbing portrait of a cunning politician who has not shied from fomenting wars and double-crossing enemies and allies alike in his ruthless pursuit of power. He had legitimized the venting of Serb ethnic grievances against the Albanian majority. His policies and wars had turned Serbia into an economic disaster zone and a global pariah. Whereas most dictators encourage a cult of personality around themselves, Milosevic has been content to operate in the shadows, shunning publicity and allowing others to grab the limelight -- and then to take the heat when things go badly. Whirling maidens in national costumes danced as he was hailed as the reincarnation of Prince Lazar, who died at that very spot six hundred years earlier while resisting a superior Ottoman army. It was the greatest gathering of Serbs ever; they came from all parts of Yugoslavia, from Europe, North America, and Australia.
Lazar opts for the kingdom of heaven, which is to say, truth and justice. Explaining a man in terms of supposed ethnic traits is a perilous enterprise. When the neighboring republics of Croatia in 1991 and Bosnia in 1992 disintegrated into open ethnic warfare, Milosevic used intermediaries to foment and spread the violence, even as he presented the face of total non-involvement to the world. Or is he the next Moammar Qaddafi, an international outcast silenced for good by a resolute American bombing campaign? His popularity had plunged; a huge crowd of demonstrators burned a large photograph of Milosevic in central Belgrade on June 13, 1990, shouting: Red Bandits and Out with the Communists. Milosevic knew that too and betrayed Stambolic, his political mentor, to become president of Serbia.
Milosevic didn't care if he lost the Serb-populated Krajina and Eastern Slavonia, both in Croatia, saying that he would repopulate Kosovo with the Serbs from those regions. Topics included his role in the propagation of Serbian nationalistic rhetoric and his role in the Bosnian peace process. In Serbia, with the patriotic fever subsiding, his grip on power could weaken once the population grasps the full scope of the economic ruin. Dayton had addressed ethnic conflict in Bosnia but not in Serbia itself, and this failure to bring the plight of Kosovo to the international stage led younger Albanian leaders onto the path of military struggle for independence. Solomon; and Joseph Klaits, director of the Jennings Randolph Program for International Peace.
After the defeat, the Serbs were ruled by the Turks for five centuries. In little more than a decade, he has brought post-cold war Europe back to the matter that dominated the beginning of the twentieth century and led to World War I: the matter of Serbia—the definition of the Serb nation, its borders, its destiny, and its leadership. And he wanted to be leader of all Serbs, meaning the Montenegrins, Serbs in Serbia, Bosnian Serbs, and the Krajina Serbs. The date was auspicious: June 28, 1989, the six hundredth anniversary of St. Lazar opts for the kingdom of heaven, which is to say, truth and justice. It was a doomed enterprise. Or is he the next Moammar Qaddafi, an international outcast silenced for good by a resolute American bombing campaign? Although their work appeared some time before he was overthrown in October 2000 and later brought to justice in The Hague obviously the biography is now in need of a little bit of revision in order for it to be up-to-date , it helped to place the Kosovo war into its proper context by focusing on Milosevic, who to all intended purposes, ignited the ethnic question in the Serbian province to his own advantage and did not balk at violating human rights toward transforming Kosovo into a province dominated by Serbs.
Two years after becoming Serb leader, Milosevic set off the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia in earnest -- fittingly enough -- at Kosovo Polje, a scene of ancient bloodshed. It was the greatest gathering of Serbs ever; they came from all parts of Yugoslavia, from Europe, North America, and Australia. Two days later, on March 24, 1999, the first bombs fell on Yugoslavia. The name Slobodan is derived from freedom in Serbo-Croatian. Invoking the threat of air strikes, the Clinton administration pressured Milosevic to restore Kosovo's autonomy.
But whereas Milosevic gave in on most of the demands of the Bosnian Serbs at Dayton, this time, he could not relinquish Kosovo—which Serbs regarded as the heart of Serbia itself—and hope to survive. The book reveals how Milosevic gave himself a name in 1987, when his boss, Serbian Communist Party leader Ivan Stambolic, sent him to Kosovo to quell down Serbian riots. Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger publicly accused Milosevic of war crimes for his role in the Bosnian war, and indeed there was substantial evidence to justify bringing Milosevic before the International War Crimes Tribunal in the Hague. Other South Slavs gained freedom in 1918 after the collapse of the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian Empires in World War I. Doder and Branson present Milosevic the man and the politician against the larger canvas of postwar Yugoslavian history. Milosevic's rise to power, from lowly Serbian apparatchik to president of Yugoslavia, is a tale of intrigue, cynical manipulation, and deceit whose full dimensions have never been presented to the American public.