The E-mail message field is required. Why did developed and developing countries sign the treaties? It comprises Kazakhstan, Azer-baijan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan. But, how are they connected? But, how are they connected? Even in times of conflict, it blocked only some traffic — for example, during the Iran-Iraq war — in order to avoid unwanted repercussions on its economy. Findings — The findings of the survey reveal that microloans have only led to modest improvements in the socioeconomic status of the clients and had almost no effect on their political empowerment. She argues that foreign investors prefer investment environments that are stable and flexible, neither of which is contingent on regime type.
But do international investment agreements in fact succeed in attracting foreign direct investment? The first international contract that facilitated the entry of multinational compa- nies into Azerbaijan was signed in September 1994. In doing so, she contests the conventional wisdom that oil profits make foreign oil companies impervious to risk and that foreign investors necessarily prefer authoritarian regimes. These three elements seriously restrict the entry of international oil companies to the Russian market. And if so, are the sovereignty costs involved worth paying? Can countries that democratize attract relatively more foreign investments? Bazı bilim adamları, neden Norveç keşke petrolü çıkarmasaydı dediler? This is particularly true of the elites who play a crucial role in defining the dominant national narrative. Related works: This item may be available elsewhere in EconPapers: for items with the same title. In doing so, she contests the conventional wisdom that oil profits make foreign oil companies impervious to risk and that foreign investors necessarily prefer authoritarian regimes. As a result of these invest- ments, the oil and gas industry has become the dominant sector of the economy in post-Soviet Azerbaijan.
The Turkish case demonstrates that authoritarian reversal can happen as a result of strategies pursued by political elites to stay in power. Both authoritarian regimes and consolidated democracies have institutional capabilities that, though different, are attractive to foreign investors. This study builds on research that recognizes the importance of politics in understanding the challenges and opportunities of clean energy reform. Practical implications — Notwithstanding these shortcomings, these observations can help inform microfinance institutions, donor organizations and governments about the true potential of microfinance. Thus, globalization does not mean the end of the State, but possibly the end of liberal democracy. A significant and negative association has been found between them.
Drinking determinasiya source model is used to check whether there were adequate. Contingent political factors in the nature, timing, and outcome of political transitions and differences in the political institutions that emerged during the transitions, in particular the party system, influenced the extent to which the new democratic regimes were able to address pressing economic problems. This paper demonstrates that the states of Central Asia and the Caucasus depend heavily on external capital flows for the financing of their fiscal deficits and that the bulk of the flows go directly to authoritarian governments. Three factors currently define the establishment of relations with foreign investors. Both authoritarian regimes and consolidated democracies have institutional capabilities that, though different, are attractive to foreign investors. Recent research has highlighted that in some cases foreign companies in the extractive industry have aggravated violence and conflict, for example, by providing arms or finance Ballentine and Nitzschke, 2004. Institutional factors interact with contingent and path-dependent dynamics to shape the capacity and willingness of governments to sustain sound macroeconomic policy reform.
In the first part of the article, I present the case for establishing credit as a human right, as laid out by Muhammad Yunus. Botswana 25 aylık ithalata yetecek kadar dövizi nereden buldu? A prominent senior British specialist on the Russian economy reviews some consequences of the Russian state's dismemberment and partial re-nationalization of the Yukos oil company. In particular, are these costs such that they risk undermining the very purpose of attracting investors, which is to promote human development in the host country? Our in-depth analysis of elite strategies and their adaptability to changing exogenous economic and geostrategic conditions in the Turkish context contribute to the analysis of the resilience and vulnerability of hybrid regimes in general and of where on the regime spectrum they eventually move. Subjectively, however, Russians are somewhat reluctant to accept that oil and gas dependency is part of their national identity. Harsh climatic conditions, swampy terrain, and other difficulties e. Developing countries account for a considerable, though by no means dominant, proportion of the world's mineral output, but the bulk of consumption is in high-income industrialized countries, and these countries also own the major corporations with mineral exploitation expertise.
I thus predict that investors will invest in nondemocratic hosts and hosts with weak laws to ensure fast negotiations, easily transferred land, and minimal citizen opposition. If you know of missing items citing this one, you can help us creating those links by adding the relevant references in the same way as above, for each refering item. Moreover, this study has implications for other former Soviet Republics and developing countries with significant natural resources. The hope of countries signing such treaties is that foreign capital will accelerate transfers of technologies, create employment, and benefit the local economy through various types of linkages. These findings have deep implications for the link between democratization and globalization, but also how globalization may affect political, social, and economic development. The book also reveals why the dreams of major export systems carrying Caspian oil to the West will not be realised until well beyond the turn of the century. Bayulgen specializes in research on international relations, political economy, and the politics of oil.
Based on survey research, elite interviews, and an analysis of media treatment, this article explores the place of oil and gas in Russia's national narrative and self-identity. The proper timing of mineral exploitation in relation to national economic development is a further complication. I argue that the link between microcredit and political empowerment is self-efficacy and social capital, which can be generated from a particular form of microcredit lending where clients apply for loans as a group and share responsibility for repayment. Azerbaijan's parliamentary elections witnessed vio-lence against the opposition, arrests, blackmail, and the murder of a journalist. Based on an analysis of the substantive and procedural rights conferred by investment treaties, it asks four basic questions. The old paradigm endures partly because Gorbachev's perestroika era was so brief, because there was no alternative elite ready to step in, and because the old habits of state paternalism and societal passivity lingered.
The question of whether there were systematic linkages between economic interests—sectoral private business and state and regional—and the voting behavior of Duma deputies is considered. . Building on earlier work on regional inequality in Russia the article seeks to demonstrate that the regional oil and gas abundance is associated with high within-region inequality. It is thus perhaps not surprising that in high-income, no less than in developing countries, mineral exploitation and use policies are in disarray. Among the areas of heavy industry and chemical industry on the volume of production engineering and the energy industry ranks third after Bayulgen 2010 composition of the production of reinforced concrete structures and parts, second place in the cement industry, and the third involves the extraction of natural wall stones and a variety of raw materials. Political democracy exerts no significant effects additive or non-additive on social equality. Financial products are a bit the odd one out, since they represent an inalienable right or at least a growing requirement to participate in increasingly financialized societies Bayulgen, 2013.